Demanding Child Care: Women’s Activism and the Politics of by Natalie M. Fousekis

By Natalie M. Fousekis

During international battle II, as ladies stepped in to fill jobs vacated by way of males within the armed prone, the government verified public baby care facilities in neighborhood groups for the 1st time. whilst the govt. introduced plans to withdraw investment and terminate its baby care companies on the finish of the struggle, ladies in California protested and lobbied to maintain their facilities open, at the same time those prone swiftly vanished in different states.

 

Analyzing the casual networks of cross-class and cross-race reformers, policymakers, and educators, Demanding baby Care: Women's Activism and the Politics of Welfare, 1940–1971 strains the swiftly altering alliances between those teams. through the early phases of the childcare flow, feminists, Communists, and exertions activists banded jointly, simply to have those alliances dissolve via the Nineteen Fifties because the circulation welcomed new management composed of working-class moms and early youth educators. within the Sixties, while federal policymakers earmarked baby care cash for kids of girls on welfare and youngsters defined as culturally disadvantaged, it improved baby care prone to be had to those teams yet ultimately eradicated public baby deal with the operating poor.

 

Deftly exploring the chances for partnership in addition to the restrictions between those key events, Fousekis is helping to provide an explanation for the boundaries to a publically funded complete baby care application within the United States.

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Additional resources for Demanding Child Care: Women’s Activism and the Politics of Welfare, 1940-1971

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These rapidly expanding industries attracted migrants from across the country. Families from the Midwest and the South flocked to California in search of higher-paying jobs. ”19 Between 1940 and 1945 the state’s population grew by 30 percent. Although migration affected the entire state, the majority of newcomers settled in California’s three main urban areas: San Diego, greater Los Angeles, and the San Francisco Bay Area. Growth was particularly rapid in certain communities. On the eastern shore of San Francisco Bay, both Richmond and Vallejo exploded from approximately twenty thousand residents in 1940 to a hundred thousand five years later.

83 Unfortunately for these activists, Warren easily defeated Olson in November. With the “old‑guard Republican” as governor, the legislature at first felt little pressure from the executive office to establish state‑sponsored child care. Warren continued to be criticized for his decision as attorney general that prohibited state operation of child care centers. ” Warren soon flip‑flopped on the issue. 85 At the same time, knowing the federal government had agreed to fund child care, lawmakers took action to reduce the chance of publicly sponsored child care becoming permanent.

Communities throughout California conducted similar surveys. Groups fanned out into neighborhoods, walking door to door with questionnaires to solicit information from thousands and thousands of mothers. In Los Angeles, reports and studies appeared every month. The Southern California Committee on Care and Training of Preschool Groups, led by Susan Moore, canvassed neighborhoods and trailer camps to determine the number of preschool children and what kinds of care mothers wanted. ” They had no services of their own, not even a playground.

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