Dean Acheson and the Making of U.S. Foreign Policy by Douglas Brinkley

By Douglas Brinkley

President Truman's Secretary of country (1949-53), Dean Acheson used to be a vital determine within the shaping of the postwar global. In an astonishingly inventive and critical tenure Acheson was once concerned to some extent seldom learned this present day in a massive variety of matters: from the production of NATO to the Korean conflict. the results of a big commemorative convention, this quantity brings jointly ten unusual diplomatic historians, commissioned to put in writing on quite a few points of Acheson's profession, in keeping with fundamental archival examine.

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Extra info for Dean Acheson and the Making of U.S. Foreign Policy

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30. 31. 32. 33. 34. 35. 36. 37. 38. S. Foreign Policy Records Center, Suitland, Maryland. See also Hogan, The MarshaUPlan, 320-1, 323. Cabinet Paper (50) 120, Report by the Committee of Officials, 'Integration of French and German Coal and Steel Industries', 2 June 1950, Cabinet Papers, CAB 129/40, Public Record Office; and Ambassador Lewis Douglas, London, telegram to Acheson, 5 June 1950, FRUS, 1950 3:717-20. See also Cabinet Paper (50) 34th Conclusion, 2 June, 1950, Cabinet Minutes, Conclusions, and Confidential Annexes, CAB 128/ 17, Public Record Office; and Bruce telegrams to Acheson, 3 May and 4 June 1950, FRUS, 1950 3:711-12, 715-17.

In the background, too, was the long delay in making the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) into an effective instrument of containment. This delay seemed especially serious in light of the Soviet bomb, which called into question the credibility of America's atomic deterrence. These developments required new measures to strengthen conventional forces if the United States was going to maintain a viable balance of power on the Continent and to preclude a dangerous drift toward neutralism in Western Europe.

Its findings reaffirmed views similar to those Acheson had articulated during his stint as Undersecretary, specifically his conviction that American aid should foster an economic integration that would protect Western Europe against the dual dangers of Soviet expansion and German domination. According to the final report and supplemental documents, western Germany must be brought within a 'strong common structure of free Europeanism'. A 'segmented' Germany, they warned, might again dominate the Continent economically, 'provide a fertile field for the rebirth of aggressive German nationalism', or lead to a replay of Rapallo.

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