By Joseph Andoni Massad
Colonial results analyzes the construction and definition of recent Jordanian identification. Massad reports key institutions-- the legislation and the military--and makes use of them to create an unique and designated research of the improvement of Jordanian nationwide id within the postcolonial period.Joseph A. Massad engages fresh scholarly debates on nationalism and richly fulfills the analytical promise of Michel Foucault's perception that glossy associations and their energy to have effective, no longer in simple terms repressive or coercive, capacities -- even though Massad additionally stresses their endured repressive function.His argument is complex by means of a attention of facts, together with photos produced via kingdom vacationer organisations geared toward attracting Western viewers, the altering and precarious place of ladies within the newly built nationwide area, and such practices as football video games, tune, songs, nutrients, garments, and moving accents and dialects.
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Extra resources for Colonial Effects: The Making of National Identity in Jordan
His Arab nationalist supporters retreated to the area that later became Transjordan. The end of Ottoman rule had left that area with no imperial authority able to subdue the Arab nationalists or control the trade routes. The British, therefore, elected to install Faysal’s brother, ÛAbdullah, as ruler of a new entity, Transjordan, hoping to appease the Arab nationalists after Faysal’s loss of Syria, and to prevent opposition that might have arisen to direct colonial rule. Although ÛAbdullah made alliances both with and against various tribes and families among the population, he and the British realized (for varying reasons, not all of them shared by the two parties) the need to “unify” the region and provide it with a new political identity as a separate state.
It should be noted that some of the locals had already occupied bureaucratic positions in the Ottoman administration. Whereas the presence of some of the Istiqlali nationalist leaders (members of the anti-Ottoman pan-Syrian nationalist Istiqlal party who had fled Syria after their defeat by the French) in the country was not opposed, the importation of mercenary employees from neighboring areas, whose sole purpose was financial gain, angered many in Transjordan. Al-ÛAdwan was not alone in his disenchantment.
Law, then, in a nationstate enacts the foundational differentiation of all the categories that it interpellates as binaries. It enacts not identity but difference tout court. However, the two components of this binary hold asymmetrical valences manifested in the law’s enumeration of rights and duties corresponding to them. To accommodate this asymmetry, which the law itself enacts, the two juridical subjects—the national and the foreigner—are inscribed through different categories of law. Juridical power in its ideological role, then, as Foucault has taught us, does not only repress and punish, it also produces the juridical subjects over whom its power is distributed.